Tag Archives: Free Exercise Clause

Targeting, Unequal Application, and Free Exercise

This may be obvious to readers of this blog, but perhaps it’s worth noting anyway in light of the somewhat loose way in which news outlets sometimes speak of “constitutional violations.” Several places are reporting that non-profit organizations with religious affiliations are complaining that they were dealt with improperly by the Internal Revenue Service.

I want first to emphasize that I do not know whether the allegations are true. I strongly suspect that nobody who is likely to comment on my post will know that information. For purposes of this post, I will only assume that they are true, in order to inquire about whether groups with these complaints, under such circumstances (and again, if true), would have a cause of action under the Free Exercise Clause (I am leaving RFRA to the side).

Most readers are familiar with Employment Division v. Smith, which held that neutral laws of general application do not violate the Free Exercise Clause even if their impact especially burdens a religious person or group. A subsequent case, Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, involved a particular religious group’s plans to create a new house of worship where they would engage in ritualistic animal sacrifice. In response to these plans, the City enacted various ordinances prohibiting animal sacrifice, but exempting pest control measures, hunting, kosher slaughtering, and private slaughtering of hogs and cattle. The ordinance outlawing “sacrificing” an animal defined sacrifice as “to unnecessarily kill, torment, torture, or mutilate in a public or private ritual or ceremony not for the primary purpose of food consumption.” The Court struck down these ordinances as violations of the Free Exercise Clause.

How might these cases apply here? Suppose that the government’s explanation for delaying and/or denying a particular group’s application for tax-exempt status was that the group “is not educational” or “is political” or “does not present all views.” As to religion, this sounds like a facially neutral rule under Smith. The government could in theory apply a prima facie rule that says, “No groups will receive tax-exempt status unless they are educational, a-political, and representative of all views” without violating the Free Exercise Clause as interpreted by Smith (of course, it would be violating other provisions of the Constitution, but I am focusing specifically on free exercise).

Things don’t end there, though. One might think that the problem is not one of facial neutrality, but instead of discriminatory motivation. The complaint would be that the rule isn’t really neutral at all because the motivations of the government were to target particular religious beliefs. But though it is often thought that Lukumi rested on the ground of discriminatory motivation or “targeting,” it did not. Only two Justices–Kennedy (writing for the majority) and Stevens (who joined him on this point)–relied on the history of the adoption of the ordinances to reach the conclusion that they were motivated by the City’s desire to suppress or stamp out religious groups that it disliked. The real ground of decision did not have to do with discriminatory motivation, but with unequal application of the law. The question here would be–given the admittedly religion-neutral purposes of the law (education, a-political qualities, viewpoint inclusion), is the law being applied in a way which disvalues or is unfair to religious beliefs? A law which is applied selectively against religious groups cannot be “narrowly tailored” to the government’s aims, and the failure of that narrow tailoring in turn suggests that the government’s interest in the laws is not compelling. Subjective motivations are not relevant in this sort of inquiry; only the record of the law’s aims and application is.

One might wonder whether this difference is important. A law that is motivated by the desire to “target” religious groups will generally fail to be narrowly tailored to achieve a compelling state interest. But not always. A law might “target” religious conduct on the ground that the religious conduct presents special dangers. Suppose a religious group has a ritual in which it tests its members with a “leap of faith” off a fourth-floor balcony. After five people have died, the town enacts a law which forbids people from jumping off of buildings. That law might be motivated by the wish to “target” this religious conduct, and the law likely would be valid even if nobody but members of the religious group engaged in the conduct. But a different question arises if the law proscribes certain dangerous conduct that is religiously motivated but continues to allow equally dangerous activity that is not motivated by religious belief (tightrope walking across two skyscrapers, for example). Take away the “dangerous” (to humans, that is) and this is what was happening in Lukumi. The difference does not, at least according to Lukumi, have to do with the subjective motivations of the “targeting” legislators, but with the extent to which unequal application of the law evinces a devaluation of religion.

In like fashion, it seems to me that with respect to the IRS situation, the issue for purposes of a Free Exercise Clause claim would turn not on evidence of the government’s subjective intention to “target” particular religious groups, but on the ways in which a putatively neutral law or rule was applied to religious and non-religious applicants for tax-exempt status alike.

Religious Communities as Disruptive Competitors

Last fall, Barak Richman and I had a friendly exchange on this blog about whether antitrust law should apply to restrictive practices governing rabbinical hiring.  Our debate raised the question of whether antitrust norms are appropriate for regulating competition within religious organizations.  Two recent judicial decisions, one involving Benedictine monks in Louisiana and the other involving a Hutterite colony in Montana, raise questions about commercial competition between religious and secular organizations.

The Benedictine monks case arose out of  Hurricane Katrina, which destroyed part of the St. Joseph’s Abbey’s pine timberlands.  The abbey traditionally harvested pines to support itself.  In need of an alternative source of income, the monks decided to get into the casket business, hand-making two models of “blessed” pine caskets in their workshop.  Before they had sold a single casket, the monks received a cease and desist order from the Louisiana State Board of Embalmers and Funeral Directors.  The monks were informed that they were not allowed to sell caskets unless they “become a licensed funeral establishment, which would require a layout parlor for 30 people, a display area for the coffins, the employment of a licensed funeral director and an embalming room.”  These conditions meant, in effect, that the monks were prohibited from getting into the casket business. The monks brought a constitutional challenge and recently won a surprising victory in the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which held that “mere economic protection of a particular industry” is not “a legitimate governmental purpose.”

The Montana case concerns a Lehrerleut Hutterite colony in Big Sky, Montana.  The Hutterites live communally, renouncing all private ownership of property and contributing labor to supply the colony’s needs.  Although the Hutterites speak a German dialect, refrain from participation in the political process, and are largely separated from the outside world, they apparently perform some outside construction projects for hire.  Until 2009, the Hutterites were exempted from Montana’s worker’s compensation insurance obligations.  Rival contractors complained that the Hutterites were able to underbid them because of the cost advantage from not having to carry worker’s comp.  The state legislature responded by amending its workers’ comp statute to cover the Hutterites.  The Hutterites challenged the statutory amendment on free exercise of religion grounds, but lost in the Montana Supreme Court.  A petition for certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court is currently pending.
 
The Louisiana and Montana cases raise very different constitutional questions, but exemplify a common fact–when religious organizations enter commercial markets, they are often disruptive competitors.  In economic theory, a disruptive competitor is one that plays by different rules than other market participants and hence forces other producers to adjust their competitive strategies.  For example, firms that bring new technologies or distribution systems or lower cost structures to markets are said to be disruptive competitors.
 
Disruptive competition is usually considered a good thing.  Markets often become too cozy, complacent, and habit-bound for the good of consumers and even other competitors.  Disruptive competitors shake things up and promote greater efficiency and innovation.
 
I’m not claiming that the Benedictines or Hutterites deserve to win their cases just because they are disruptive competitors.  But when I see business interests invoking state regulations to stymie competition from small communities of monks and farmers, I can’t help rooting for the little guys.

Vischer on Religious Liberty and For-Profit Businesses

You should make the time to read Rob Vischer’s new piece, Do For-Profit Businesses Have Free Exercise Rights?  One interesting feature of the paper is Rob’s engagement with the First Amendment institutionalism literature.  He makes the case for some line drawing, in his usual careful and thoughtful way.  Here is the abstract:

Americans are understandably troubled by the prospect of Wal-Mart and the First Presbyterian Church as conceptually identical free exercise claimants. As an expanding array of for-profit businesses sue to block enforcement of the HHS contraception mandate, there is a danger that our failure to distinguish them will weaken the protections for all institutional free exercise claimants. Except for some still largely uncontroversial questions of internal church governance, the “moral bedrock” of religious liberty is increasingly contested when invoked by institutions. Absent some categorical distinctions, we risk what Fred Schauer and others have called “institutional compression” through a process “of leveling down rather than leveling up.” Nevertheless, in the wake of Citizens United, courts may decide not to embrace potential paths of distinction. If the identity of the speaker doesn’t matter for purposes of free speech, it is tempting to say that the identity of the actor doesn’t matter for purposes of free exercise.

Foreclosing a for-profit business’s standing to raise free exercise claims entirely is not justified. However, in light of the differences between corporate political speech and corporate religious exercise, and in light of the enormous market power wielded by for-profit businesses in the provision of essential goods and services, including the paths by which to earn a livelihood, a court would be justified in interpreting free exercise doctrine to reflect institutional distinctions.

Marriage Privatization Won’t Be Easy

Several years ago I wrote a “Judeo-Christian” defense of marriage privatization, by which I mean getting the government out of the business of deciding what marriage is and by what terms it should be governed.  As the cultural wars over same-sex marriage intensify, that idea has gained wide popularity across the political spectrum.  For example, in their popular book Nudge, Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein devote an entire chapter to advocating marriage privatization.

Many advocates of marriage privatization seem to think that disentangling the state from marriage would be easy.  They argue that the government should just stop issuing marriage licenses.  Marriage would then become a private ceremonial and contractual matter.  The state would enforce marriage contracts just like other contracts.

Although I remain an advocate of marriage privatization, disentanglement would be far from that easy.  The state is thoroughly intertwined with marriage; the Gordian knot cannot be neatly severed.  I’m currently working on article entitled How to Privatize Marriage that tries to work through these complex issues.  My bottom line is that privatizing marriage does not mean that the state would get out of regulating and recognizing intimate unions altogether, but that it would try to create a wider space for regulation and recognition by individuals and social and religious groups.

I’m still working through these issues and won’t try to offer a comprehensive solution yet.  For now, I’d  like to raise three difficulties with marriage privatization that need to be addressed as part of any privatization proposal.  They correspond to functions currently served by state marriage regulation and recognition.

First, the state uses marriage as a marker for the dispensation of state benefits and the extraction of obligations owed to the state by individuals.  This is most obvious in the taxation context, but occurs across a tremendous range of state activities. (I’m using “state” in its broad sense to include all governments).   For example, selective service (i.e., the draft) has typically differentiated between the married and unmarried.  The rules of evidence create “marital privilege” allowing spouses not to testify against each other.  If the government were to stop issuing marriage licenses, it would need to account for the thousands of ways in which laws draw distinctions based on marital status.  If marriage were a purely private creation—anyone could call themselves married according to whatever criteria they chose—these thousands of legal categorizations would collapse.

Second, the state has traditionally regulated marriage to prevent certain kinds of abuses.  For example, prenuptial agreements are not enforced as routine contracts because of the potential for unfairness and imposition by the strong on the weak.  The easy “pro-privatization” answer is that civil courts would continue to enforce marriage contracts only if they were fair.  But what if the married couple had agreed, for example, to be bound by principles of Christian marriage and to have any disputes within their marriage resolved through a process of conciliation, mediation, and arbitration within the Catholic Church?  Nominally, a civil court’s job would be to enforce any arbitration award coming out of the Catholic Church, as courts currently do under the Federal Arbitration Act.  But now imagine the entanglement problems when, for example, the wife challenged the arbitration award as unconscionable or against public policy because the arbitrators had discriminated against her because she was a woman or had left the Catholic Church or wanted to use birth control or had come out as a lesbian or any number of other potentially objectionable reasons.  Having civil courts scrutinize religious arbitral decisions for fairness and conformity with public values raises severe establishment clause and free exercise problems.  And having courts simply rubberstamp such arbitration awards means that the state would have to abdicate its traditional function in preventing various kinds of abuse and unfairness within marital relations.  Just to raise everyone’s hackles, imagine the proceedings to enforce a Sharia divorce judgment in a family court in San Francisco.

Finally, state recognition of marriage plays an important role in facilitating market transactions between private parties.  For example, car rental companies typically allow a married renter to add  his or her spouse as a driver at no additional charge.  Insurance companies set premiums for all kinds of policies based on marital status.  And there are many other examples.  In certifying who is married, the state performs a function that markets value, much as the USDA does as to various kinds of food certifications.  This is not to say that private organizations couldn’t replace the state’s certification role, but, to play law and economics for a moment, that might greatly increase various kinds of transaction costs.  This last point is one that I don’t think has been widely appreciated, but is quite substantial.

I believe that there are answers, which is why I remain an enthusiastic marriage privatization proponent.  But privatization advocates need to start engaging more systematically with these thorny problems.

Nelson on the Free Exercise Rights of Institutions

James David Nelson (Columbia University Law School) has posted Conscience, Incorporated. Nelson’s essay evaluates the ability of corporations and other institutions to claim exemptions from the Affordable Care Act’s contraception mandate under the Free Exercise Clause. The abstract follows.

Do business corporations have free exercise rights? This question has become critically important in recent challenges to the Affordable Care Act’s so-called “contraception mandate.” A host of businesses selling ordinary goods and services claim that they cannot be compelled to provide employees with insurance that covers contraception. Courts have divided over whether corporations can assert rights of conscience, and existing theoretical accounts fail to provide guidance on this question.

This Article offers a new normative framework for evaluating corporate claims of conscience. Drawing on theories of conscience and collective rights, it develops a “social theory” of conscience that explains how individual moral identity is formed within associations and, consequently, how the social structure of those associations can support institutional claims for legal exemptions.

The social theory of conscience has direct implications for free exercise doctrine. For an institution to assert a valid claim, it must be a constitutive community, such that individual members regard the collective as intimately tied to their sense of self. Some institutions, like churches and other religious organizations, fit comfortably in this category. But the legal, social, and economic norms that govern modern business practice pervasively undermine the formation of tight personal connections to for-profit corporations and thereby erode the normative basis for institutional legal exemptions. Free exercise doctrine should therefore resist corporate claims to exemptions from the law.

Gaylord on Free Exercise and the HHS Mandate

Scott Gaylord (Elon University School of Law) has posted For-Profit Corporations, Free Exercise, and the HHS Mandate. The abstract follows.

Under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, most employers must provide their employees with health insurance that covers all FDA approved contraceptive methods and sterilization procedures (the “HHS mandate”). Across the country, individuals, religious schools, and corporations have sued to enjoin the mandate, arguing, among other things, that it violates the free exercise clause of the First Amendment and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (“RFRA”). Federal district courts have reached conflicting decisions in the 15 cases decided to date, leaving the Third, Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Tenth, and D.C. Circuits to sort out the complex relationship between the free exercise clause and laws, such as the HHS mandate, that are alleged to be neutral and generally applicable. But these cases are made even more difficult because of a specific claim that is raised in each case — that corporations can exercise religion under the First Amendment and RFRA. As several district courts have noted, “whether secular corporations can exercise religion is an open question.” This paper analyzes this novel and unresolved issue, arguing that, just as corporations can engage in free speech under Citizens United, for-profit corporations can exercise religion under the free exercise clause and RFRA.

Although the Supreme Court has not addressed this specific issue, I argue that it has established rules for determining whether corporations can invoke particular constitutional rights and that, under these rules, corporations can invoke the protection of the free exercise clause. Several district courts have reached the opposite conclusion, while several others have avoided the issue altogether. Relying primarily on a single footnote in First Nat’l Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, the courts denying free exercise protection to for-profit corporations maintain that the free exercise of religion is a “purely personal” right that is limited to individuals and religious non-profit organizations. This paper contends, however, that a more detailed review of Bellotti, Citizens United, and the Court’s other decisions regarding the constitutional rights of corporations reveals that free exercise, like the freedom of speech, is not a “purely personal” right. Consequently, corporations — whether for-profit or non-profit — can claim its protection. Moreover, in the wake of Bellotti and Citizens United, neither the “profit motive” of a for-profit corporation nor the “religious nature” of religious organizations (e.g., churches) justifies limiting the free exercise clause only to individuals and non-profit religious organizations. Although many (perhaps most) corporations may choose not to engage in religious activities, there is no constitutional basis for precluding a priori all for-profit businesses from raising free exercise claims.

Rienzi on Religious Liberty for Money-Makers

Mark Rienzi (Catholic University of America – Columbus School of Law) has posted God and the Profits: Is There Religious Liberty for Money-Makers? The abstract follows.

Is there a religious way to pump gas, sell groceries, or advertise for a craft store? Litigation over the HHS contraceptive mandate has raised the question whether a for-profit business and its owner can engage in religious exercise under federal law. The federal government has argued, and some courts have found, that the activities of a profit-making business are ineligible for religious freedom protection.

This article offers a comprehensive look at the relationship between profit-making and religious liberty, arguing that the act of earning money does not preclude profit-making businesses and their owners from engaging in protected religious exercise.

Many religions impose, and at least some businesses follow, religious requirements for the conduct of profit-making businesses. Thus businesses can be observed to engage in actions that are obviously motivated by religious beliefs: from preparing food according to ancient Jewish religious laws, to seeking out loans that comply with Islamic legal requirements, to encouraging people to “know Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior.” These actions easily qualify as exercises of religion.

It is widely accepted that religious freedom laws protect non-profit organizations. The argument for denying religious freedom in the for-profit context rests on a claimed categorical distinction between for-profit and non-profit entities. Yet a broad examination of how the law treats these entities in various contexts severely undermines the claimed categorical distinction. Viewed in this broader context, it is clear that denying religious liberty rights for profit-makers would actually require singling out religion for disfavored treatment in ways forbidden by the Free Exercise Clause and federal law.

Predictably Unpredictable: Thoughts on the Free Exercise Clause

I want to talk to you about the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution.  This post is long.

My view of the Free Exercise Clause is one part of a larger approach to The Tragedy of Religious Freedomconstitutional adjudication involving the religion clauses.  For those who have been thirsting feverishly to know more about that approach, fear not: soon enough, I will flood the zone.  Suffice it for now to say that one of the most serious criticisms of my approach is that it is insufficiently predictable.  It is sometimes said, not without reason, that my approach is not rule-like enough, and that it is therefore damaging to rule of law values.

These are fair criticisms, and I do my best to address them.  I do this in part by taking a close look at the way in which a selection of district and intermediate appellate courts have applied that putatively most rule-like of all religion clause rules: neutral laws of general application do not violate the Free Exercise Clause.

What I find is: that rule is not nearly as inviolable as many who invoke it believe.  In fact, knowing when that rule will apply actually depends on having the sense of a host of context-dependent and issue-specific factors.  The trouble, as I have explained before, is the issue of general applicability.  Employment Division v. Smith carved out the unemployment compensation cases from its holding.  But, per this amicus brief, it is more accurate to think about this carve-out not as an “exception” but as a corollary to the rule itself, which creates a kind of graduated spectrum of general applicability. Laws which are not “generally applicable” are lifted out of the Smith ”rule” and receive judicial balancing.  How do we know when a law is not “generally applicable”?

It falls to courts to determine what “generally applicable” means along the spectrum.  It cannot mean that the law has no exceptions, period; that would destroy the rule.  And yet “generally applicable” must mean something.  What it means is the subject of judicial interpretation–for now, very much in the common law style.  And that means that the Smith rule is much less predictable than its supporters suppose: “If the vice of pluralistic approaches is that they are predictable only to those who know how they will be applied, that is no less true of monistic approaches.”  Chapter 8, The Tragedy of Religious Freedom.  That is not enough, by itself, to convince you to adopt my approach.  For that, you need to buy the book!

Here is a brand new HHS Mandate case to show the predictable unpredictability of Smith, Geneva College et al. v. Sebelius, decided Wednesday by the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania.  The case is somewhat unusual inasmuch as the plaintiffs are both nonprofits and for-profits.  The nonprofits’ case was dismissed on standing grounds (only the Eastern District of New York, to my knowledge, has not followed this route for nonprofits).  As to the for-profits, after discussing the issue of a corporation’s exercise of religion and the RFRA claim, the court rested its decision to deny the motion to dismiss with respect to plaintiffs’ free exercise decision on an analysis of the issue of general applicability.  Here’s a substantial chunk of the decision, beginning around page 46:

There is little doubt that the mandate’s requirements are facially neutral in the sense that they are directed toward benefiting the public health, and are not explicitly targeted at any particular religious conduct. The court’s analysis, however, must extend beyond the face of the regulations in question. The Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit has acknowledged that

the Free Exercise Clause’s mandate of neutrality toward religion prohibits government from ‘deciding that secular motivations are more important than religious motivations.’ . . . Accordingly, in situations where government officials exercise discretion in applying a facially neutral law, so that whether they enforce the law depends on their evaluation of the reasons underlying a violator’s conduct, they contravene the neutrality requirement if they exempt some secularly motivated conduct but not comparable religiously motivated conduct.

Tenafly Eruv Ass’n, Inc. v. Borough of Tenafly, 309 F.3d 144, 165-66 (3d Cir. 2002). The process of implementing the objected to requirements has been replete with examples of the government impermissibly exercising its discretion by exempting vast numbers of entities while refusing to extend the religious employer exemption to include entities like SHLC.

The primary example of the “categorical exemption” rejected in Fraternal Order of Police in the present case is the grandfathering provision in the ACA, which exempts as many as 191 million entities from the mandate’s requirements. The grandfathering exemption impacts secular employers to “at least the same degree”—and likely far more—than religious objections from entities like SHLC. Blackhawk, 381 F.3d at 209. The fact that the government saw fit to exempt so many entities and individuals from the mandate’s requirements renders their claim of general applicability dubious, at best. Elsewhere in their briefing, defendants respond that the number of grandfathered plans will continue to decrease as time goes on. Even if this comes to fruition (which is not a certainty), the secular exemption for employers with fewer than fifty full-time employees that choose not to provide any insurance coverage remains. 26 U.S.C. § 4980H(c)(2)(A). Taken together, these categorical exemptions for secular entities and individuals raise a concern that the mandate’s requirements are not generally applicable.

In addition to the secular exemptions, the government continues to engage in an impermissible “religious gerrymander” by extending exemptions to an increasing number of religiously-affiliated entities. Although the court of appeals in Blackhawk and Fraternal Order of Police was not faced with the situation where, as here, some religious conduct is exempted, the fact that defendants continue to carve out exemptions, see generally 78 FED. REG. 8,456, while subjecting SHLC and other similarly-situated close corporate entities to the mandate’s requirements, raises a suggestion of “discriminatory intent” against close corporate entities seeking to advance the religious beliefs of their owners. Fraternal Order of Police 170 F.3d at 362. On the present record, this court finds that the Hepler plaintiffs raised plausible claims that the sheer number of exemptions—both secular and religious—to the mandate’s requirements burdened their free exercise rights to an extent sufficient to trigger strict scrutiny. The court already analyzed the mandate’s requirements under the compelling government interest test in the RFRA context and found that they do not survive strict scrutiny; therefore, for the same reasons, the First Amendment claim is sufficient, and the motion to dismiss this claim must be denied.

Let’s set to the side, for the moment, the issue of the proper interpretation of “general applicability.”  This court interpreted in a certain way; other courts, as I show, interpret it differently.

The problem with the “general applicability” issue isn’t that one court may decide a case in a way you might like, and another court may decide a different case in a way you might not.  The real burn of it is that the very unpredictability that Smith aimed to eliminate has seeped right back in.  No matter how rule-like Smith tried to be, it could not squeeze out of constitutional adjudication what is and must be true about it (at least as to issues like these).  And if the response is that we can solve all of this by clarifying Smith and making it even more rule-like, my reply is: the more you squeeze, the more slips through.

You Are Not a Religion

In Habits of the Heart, written almost 30 years ago, sociologist Robert Bellah and his co-authors came up with a term to describe a new American religion: “Sheilaism.” The phrase comes from an interview Bellah conducted with a woman called  Sheila, who described her religion as follows:

I believe in God. I am not a fanatic. I can’t remember the last time I went to church. My faith has carried me a long way. It’s Sheilaism. Just my own little voice. . . . My own Sheilaism . . . is just to try to love yourself and be gentle with yourself. You know, I guess, take care of each other.

You don’t have to be a sociologist to appreciate how well Sheila’s comments reflect the mindset of millions of Americans. You can dismiss that mindset as empty and self-indulgent, but in the land of  postmodern individualism, Sheilaism has powerful rhetorical appeal. It is preached relentlessly in advertising, books, movies, music, TV programs, even presidential politics (“We are the ones we’ve been waiting for”). It is the effective religion of the “Nones”– the rapidly increasing cohort of Americans who claim no formal religious affiliation–and, one imagines, many churched people as well.

Yet Sheilaism is not a constitutionally recognized religion, at least in the Fourth Circuit. That’s one lesson of the recent, fascinating Psychic Sophie case that Marc described in his post this week. In the case, a Virginia fortune teller, “Psychic Sophie,” argued that local licensing and zoning rules violated her First Amendment right to freely exercise her religion. She described her religion this way:

I am very spiritual in nature, yet I do not follow particular religions or practices, and “organized” anythings are not for me. I pretty much go with my inner flow, and that seems to work best.

She didn’t use the phrase, but Psychic Sophie’s religion is Sheilaism. And, as Marc notes, the Fourth Circuit held that this worldview does not constitute a religion for purposes of the First Amendment. For constitutional purposes, the court reasoned, religion means some organizing principle or authority other than oneself.  Going with one’s inner flow does not qualify.

That makes a good deal of sense. Sheilaism is a very useful concept in sociology, but it doesn’t really work in constitutional law. Recognizing Sheilaism as a religion for constitutional purposes would create all sorts of problems. We’d have millions of religions in America, each of which could claim a right to free exercise. We’d be courting anarchy. 

Or would we? The really interesting thing about the Psychic Sophie case is that it’s so unusual. With so many Sheilaists in America claiming to follow their own paths, surely we should be seeing many more claims for religious exemptions from generally applicable laws. There should be much more friction in American life. But there isn’t. All these free spirits wind up believing pretty much the same things and acting in pretty much the same ways. Perhaps Sheilaism isn’t really about following one’s inner voice, but the voice of the mainstream culture. In which case, Sheilaism isn’t really about individualism, but conformity. Like the guy said, you can have a car painted any color you like–as long as it’s black.

Oleske on Lukumi Babalu Aye

James M. Oleske Jr. (Lewis & Clark Law School) has posted Lukumi at Twenty: A Legacy of Uncertainty for Religious Liberty and Animal Welfare Laws. The abstract follows.

Twenty years after the Supreme Court’s decision in Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah, uncertainty reigns in the lower courts and among commentators over the issue of constitutionally compelled religious exemptions. Despite the Court’s general disavowal of such exemptions in Employment Division v. Smith, Lukumi appeared to breathe life into a potentially significant exception to Smith. That exception – which this Article calls the “selective-exemption rule” – provides that religious exemptions may still be required by the Free Exercise Clause when the government has selectively made available other exemptions to a law.

This Article addresses the key unresolved questions about the scope of the selective-exemption rule and challenges the received reading of the leading circuit court decision interpreting the rule. Relying heavily upon that reading, prominent religious liberty advocates have been pressing for a remarkably broad Continue reading